Sum up and analyze this article: A small but growing body of research has shown

Sum up and analyze this article: A small but growing body of research has shown that police brutality contributes to fatal injuries, poor physical health symptoms, stress, financial strain, and institutionally oppressive practices that deprive Black Americans in the United States (U.S.) of living a healthful and prosperous life [1]. These findings suggest that police brutality is a social determinant of health and can lead to poor health outcomes among Black Americans, including poor mental health [1]. People who are stopped by police can face emotional trauma, stress responses, and depressive symptoms if they are treated aggressively [2]. In contrast, if police stops are conducted fairly, they can improve police-community relations [2]. Police brutality against Black Americans is not a new phenomenon in the USA. In the early 1700s, policing began with the emergence of slave patrols in the south to maintain control over the slave population and White indentured servants [3]. The transition from slave patrols to police departments was seamless in the southern states [3]. In the north, the first police department was established in Boston in 1838 [4]. New groups of immigrants suffered cruel treatment by police officers in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and this treatment was extended to Black Americans migrating to the north from the segregated south, and ultimately remained [4]. In effect, Blacks have experienced targeted police violence for as long as they have been in the USA. Alton Sterling, Keith Lamont Scott, Terence Crutcher, Akai Gurley, Stephon Clark, Walter Scott, and Philando Castile represent a few of the high-profile cases, covered in the national media, of Black Americans killed by police in recent years. According to the US census, Black men and women comprise approximately 13% of the US population, yet they account for 23% of people fatally shot by police [5, 6]. Although a greater number of White Americans are killed annually by police, when adjusted for population size, Black Americans are nearly three times more likely than White Americans to be shot and killed by police officers [4]. Black teens are 21 times more likely than White teens to be killed by police [7]. However, there is no government-sponsored database to provide reliable numbers of police killings in the USA [8]. Most of this data is currently aggregated on independent databases established by the Washington Post, The Guardian, and an independent monitoring site, Mapping Police Violence [6, 9, 10]. Racially/ethnically diverse groups living in low-income communities disproportionately experience surveillance, stops, disrespectful treatment, abuse, arrests, and use of force, including excessive and deadly force, in interactions with police [11]. The 2015 Bureau of Justice Statistics Special Report summarized interactions between police and the public and the nature of these encounters in the USA [12]. The data in this report were aggregated from the 2015 Police Public Contact Survey, administered to a nationally representative sample of households to inquire about experiences with police contact in the past year [12]. Survey results indicated that 21% of US residents aged 16 years and older reported face to face contact with police, with traffic stops being the most common form of police contact [12]. Blacks were more likely to be the driver in a traffic stop (9.8%) when compared to Whites (8.6%) and Latinos (7.6%) [12]. Blacks were also more likely to experience street stops (1.5%) compared to White and Hispanic Americans (0.9%) [12]. About nine in every ten residents who came in contact with police felt that they acted properly [13]. Approximately 2% of survey respondents reported use of force and/or being threatened by police, representing 985,300 individuals [12]. Among those reporting use of force, three times more Black Americans reported experiences of force and/or being threatened by police than their non-Latino White counterparts [12]. Other research echoes this finding; in a study examining the behavior of 12 police agencies, the rate of police use of force against Black Americans was 2.5 times higher than the rate for all racial/ethnic groups, and 3.6 times higher than the rate for White residents [14]. Although the research assesses police behavior across a multiplicity of measures, police interactions remain the common feature of this domain. Scholars suggest that distrust and dissatisfaction with the police among people of color is due to the aggressive and/or neglectful nature of policing in these communities, and how community members interpret their experiences with law enforcement [11]. Regardless of how police behavior complies with the law, Black individuals’ perceptions of unequal protection and treatment from the police have impacted police relations with the community [11]. According to the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Administration (SAMHSA), trauma and violence are harmful to both behavioral and public health [15]. Trauma is not uncommon among adults in the USA, and especially among individuals experiencing mental health disorders [15]. Traumatic experiences are associated with mental health conditions such as depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) [15,16,17]. When a person experiences a traumatic event, the body produces a stress response which is generally experienced in a short-term emotional impact such as sadness, anger, shock, denial, etc. [17]. Most people who experience a traumatic event are resilient and utilize effective coping strategies and social support to work through the mental and physical health effects of the trauma [15, 18]. However, some individuals may have a persistent stress response and continuous recollection of the traumatic event; the long-term effects of this cycle include serious mental illness such as PTSD, anxiety, and depression [17]. The experience of interpersonal violence, a form of trauma, increases risk for depression, suicidal behavior, anxiety, and PTSD [19]. Both violence and trauma are considered negative life events which are proven to increase the risk for mental health issues [18]. The aim of this systematic review was to assess if experiences of police interactions are associated with symptoms of mental health disorders among Black Americans in the USA. We hypothesize that Black Americans who have had negative interactions with police officers will report poor mental health (i.e., stress, anxiety, PTSD, and depression) compared to those without negative experiences. With the resurgence of public interest in how police officers interact with Black Americans, it is an opportune time to review the available body of evidence to better understand the scope of the issue and implications for future research and social policies. Methods We conducted a systematic review that was registered in PROSPERO and followed the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines. Identification and Selection of Studies To identify relevant studies, we established inclusion and exclusion criteria, identified search terms for the Boolean Query, and conducted a broad search of the literature by accessing several databases, including PubMed, PsycINFO, SocINDEX, Web of Science, and Legal Source. We also searched for additional studies from the reference list of included studies, and by contacting researchers who are considered experts on the topic. The following Boolean query was used in the search strategy: “(“police violence” OR “police brutality” OR “policing” OR “police” OR “cops” OR “law enforcement”) AND (“mental health” OR “mental disorder” OR “mental illness” OR stress OR depression OR anxiety OR PTSD OR “post-traumatic stress disorder”). All databases were searched for publications dating from January 1994 through March 2019. The first reviewer (MNM) conducted a title and abstract screening for citations produced by the search results and determined if they met inclusion criteria. Irrelevant studies were removed, and a full-text screening was completed for those that met the inclusion criteria. Studies were considered irrelevant if they did not meet the inclusion criteria and/or met the specified exclusion criteria. Both the first (MNM) and second reviewer (DH) conducted full-text screenings of the articles deemed relevant through the title and abstract screening process. Citations that met the inclusion criteria, based on the full-text review, were added to the list of papers included in the systematic review. Citations were subsequently uploaded to a cloud-based storage site to generate a working bibliography for the systematic review. For studies to be included in this systematic review, they had to meet the following criteria: peer-reviewed; originally written in the English language; published in the last 25 years (January 1994 and March 2019); include police violence, police encounters, or police interactions as an exposure variable for the study population; include mental health symptoms or at least one mental health issue among the dependent variables. Only quantitative studies of varying study designs were considered. For the purposes of this review, we defined Black Americans as individuals who identify as African-American, Black, and/or Caribbean American. This definition is inclusive of foreign-born and USA-born residents. We did not specify race in the inclusion criteria because research involving a diverse study population or a racial category other than Black American could serve as a comparison group for the population of interest in this systematic review. Exclusion criteria included studies conducted outside of the USA, qualitative studies, and systematic reviews. Qualitative studies were excluded from the review in order to minimize bias. Data Collection Data were collected and organized with an extraction sheet developed by the first and second reviewers. Data extracted included study design, sample size and population, exposure measure, mental health symptoms, characteristics controlled for, and results for the association between police interaction and mental health symptoms experienced by Black Americans. Risk of Bias in Individual Studies We assessed the quality of the studies meeting inclusion criteria but did not exclude any studies on this basis. We used a 14-item quality assessment tool for observational cohort and cross-sectional studies developed by the National Institute of Health to determine the quality of individual studies in the systematic review [20]. Each study received an overall quality rating of good, fair, or poor [20]. Synthesis of Results We used a narrative synthesis approach to integrate the results of our review. This technique supports the comparison and integration of studies that are highly heterogeneous in their research questions, study samples, and methods [21]. To reduce selection bias, we acknowledged the differences between studies and noted the strength of each study’s quality. A priori, all relevant results will be reported; however, conclusions will only be drawn from studies that demonstrate the presence or lack of correlation among Black American’s police exposure(s) and mental health outcome(s). Results Study Selection Figure 1 displays a PRISMA Flow Diagram describing the study selection process. Our search results yielded a total of 16,266 citations after duplicates were removed. The records were screened, and 16,244 studies were determined not relevant to this research inquiry. Full texts were obtained for 22 studies whose abstracts suggested they met the criteria. Eleven of the 22 studies were excluded based on our full-text review, because they did not meet inclusion criteria for study methods, study population, outcome, and/or exposure measure. In total, 11 studies met the inclusion criteria and were included in this review [

******CLICK ORDER NOW BELOW AND OUR WRITERS WILL WRITE AN ANSWER TO THIS ASSIGNMENT OR ANY OTHER ASSIGNMENT, DISCUSSION, ESSAY, HOMEWORK OR QUESTION YOU MAY HAVE. OUR PAPERS ARE PLAGIARISM FREE*******."